пятница, 18 сентября 2015 г.

uWalmart In Courtroom Battle With Texas Over “Irrational” Liquor Lawr


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  • Having spent a large part of my life in a state where getting wine or booze meant going to a state-operated “wine and spirits shoppe,” it doesn’t seem all that awful that Walmart and other publicly trade companies are barred from selling hard liquor in the state of Texas. But for the nation’s biggest retailer, that law makes no sense — and it’s in the middle of a legal battle with the Lone Star state for the right to dispense spirits.

    The Texas Alcoholic Beverage Commission is responsible for handing out liquor licenses to retailers and other businesses in the state, but Sec. 22.16 of the Texas state code prohibits just about any company held by a public corporation from obtaining a “package store permit” for selling anything stronger than wine or beer.

    “Wal-Mart is therefore irrationally banned from competing with privately owned companies that are, unlike publicly traded corporations, allowed to obtain package store permits,” writes the company in lawsuit [PDF] filed against the TABC in federal court earlier this year.

    The retailer notes that even if public corporations were allowed to obtain package store permits, “Texas law irrationally prohibits companies and persons from owning or holding” more than five of these licenses.

    “Therefore, even if Wal-Mart were allowed to obtain package store permits, it is irrationally prohibited from owning or holding more than five package store permits.”

    While you might say “Hey, five stores with booze is better than none,” Walmart would likely point out that it has 543 stores in Texas that are allowed to sell beer and wine, so those five would represent less than 1% of those locations.

    Another “irrational” thing about the Texas law, argues the retailer, is that publicly traded hotel corporations are exempted from this prohibition, meaning hotel stores can get permits to sell liquor, regardless of whether a hotel belongs to a publicly owned chain.

    In case you’re wondering how Walmart really feels about this issue (or perhaps as an indication of Walmart’s need for a thesaurus), the company uses some form of the word “irrational” at least 14 times over the course of 24 pages.

    Walmart claims the Texas laws that block it from selling booze are “protectionist provisions that unlawfully discriminate against publicly traded companies and interstate commerce, and are unconstitutional under the Equal Protection Clause, Commerce Clause, and Comity Clause of the U.S. Constitution.”

    While the stated purpose of the public corporation ban is to ensure fairness in the booze market, Walmart alleges that it’s a legislative effort to favor Texas residents over non-Texans.

    Until 1994, getting a liquor permit in the state required at least one year of Texas residency before applying. A federal appeals court struck down that rule and the state subsequently enacted the ban on public corporations.

    Interestingly, this ban only applies to corporations that didn’t have licenses before April 1995. That means the Texas-based corporations that were able to meet the previous residency requirement could hold on to their licenses, while out-of-state or new-to-Texas applicants had to be privately owned.

    Walmart also taxes exception with a “close family member” loophole in the five permit limit rule that allows blood relatives to continually acquire licenses, consolidate them into a single private entity, transfer ownership of the private entity to one family member, and then repeat the process.

    In response, the state argued that it has the authority to restrict the sale of alcohol and promote temperance, and that doing so is not a violation of the Equal Protection Clause. It pointed to a case in Kentucky where a federal appeals court upheld a law banning supermarkets from selling liquor, but permitting drugstores to sell it.

    The TABC also cited an appeals court ruling in Missouri that upheld a state regulation allowing the sale of liquor at bowling alleys and soccer stadiums, but not at billiard parlors, on Sundays.

    The plaintiffs in both these cases tried, unsuccessfully, to make a claim under the Equal Protection Clause, so Texas argued that Walmart’s case should be dismissed.

    Walmart says they don’t directly apply in this matter because these rulings address issues involving when, where, and how alcohol could be sold — not about a permit applicant’s eligibility.

    In July, a district court judge denied the TABC’s motion to dismiss the case, pointing out some of the shortcomings in the state’s arguments against giving permits to Walmart and other public companies.

    “Defendants suggest allowing public corporations to own package stores would result in the proliferation of these establishments, leading to greater and easier access to liquor,” wrote the judge in his order [PDF]. “But this purported rationale provides no explanation for the Code’s ‘grandfathering’ of public corporations granted permits issued before April 1995, or the exemption of hotels, even if owned by a public corporation. Similarly, while the five-store limit for non-public corporations could conceivably limit the number of package stores, the exclusion permitting consolidation by family members contradicts that asserted rationale.”

    Even if you allow that temperance-promotion is a driving intention of the Walmart ban, the judge appears likely to agree with Walmart that this is an arbitrary way of handling the issue, citing a 1985 Supreme Court ruling where the court held that a general interest in avoiding construction on a flood plain was not sufficient to justify a city ordinance specifically forbidding the construction of a home for the mentally ill while allowing for other institutions to be built on the same land.

    “The State may not rely on a classification whose relationship to an asserted goal is so attenuated as to render the distinction arbitrary or irrational,” reads the SCOTUS ruling in that case.

    The TABC claimed the rationale for the ban is not arbitrary, that the state legislature believed that excluding public corporations from the liquor market encourages family-owned businesses.

    But the judge noted that the language of the Texas statute itself undercuts the state’s argument.

    “First, the Code does not require an entity holding a package store permit to be ‘family-owned.’ Rather, the Code permits entities with up to thirty-four shareholders, as well as hotels, even if owned by a public corporation, to hold such permits,” wrote the judge. “Second, families, or at least certain close family members, can accumulate an unlimited number of package store permits – hardly a restriction of access to alcohol. Third, as Wal-Mart points out, the family members are in no way required to live in the area where the store is. Indeed, even if a person or entity held a single package store permit, there is no guarantee that person lives in or is otherwise involved in the local community. In addition, Wal-Mart has alleged family-owned “chains” own a significant portion of the package stores in three large Texas counties. In sum, Wal-Mart has alleged sufficient facts which rebut the community involvement justification offered by Defendants.”

    The judge did, however, dismiss Walmart’s claim of a violation of the Privileges and Immunities Clause of the Constitution, which prohibits one state from treating the people of other states differently.

    Even though recent Supreme Court cases have conferred certain aspects of personhood on corporations, the judge noted that SCOTUS has not yet disagreed with earlier precedent that clearly found this clause only applies to individuals.

    So now that TABC’s motion to dismiss has largely been denied, the case can move forward toward trial. The Houston Chronicle recently noted that a trial date has been set, but that it’s still a year away.



ribbi
  • by Chris Morran
  • via Consumerist


uUSDA Issues Public Health Alert About Aspen Foods Stuffed Chicken Products Produced Since July Recallr


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  • You may remember that a few months ago, millions of stuffed chicken breasts from two different companies were recalled for possible Salmonella contamination. The U.S. Department of Agriculture has issued a public health alert urging consumers not to eat chicken products made after the period included in the recall. The agency’s testing found more of the same strain of Salmonella bacteria in samples from the facility, but Koch Poultry has refused to recall the products made during this period, from July 30 to September 17.

    The USDA is advising consumers to not eat the chicken breasts if found in their freezer, and to throw the items away or return them to the store where they were purchased. According to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, some patients who became ill from salmonella reported using a meat thermometer to check the internal temperature of the stuffed chicken breasts before eating, so following the cooking instructions to the letter may not be enough to prevent illness.

    There are numerous brands and products that this recall includes, since Aspen Foods manufactures stuffed chicken breasts for multiple store and other private-label brands, including the foodservice mega-supplier Sysco. They may be chicken cordon bleu, chicken Kiev, or chicken stuffed with broccoli.

    Here are the brands you might find the products under, but the best thing to check is the USDA establishment number on the package. For affected products, it would be P-1358.

    Acclaim Antioch Farms Buckley Farms Centrella Signature Chestnut Farms Family Favorites Kirkwood Koch Foods Market Day Oven Cravers Rose Rosebud Farm Roundy’s Safeway Kitchens Schwan’s Shaner’s Spartan Sysco

    The symptoms of salmonellosis are diarrhea (which can be severe), abdominal cramps, and a fever. The illness lasts for 4 to 7 days, but it can be more severe in people who are very young, very old, or who are already sick or immunocompromised. People are hospitalized and can die from this infection.

    FSIS Issues Public Health Alert For Stuffed Chicken Products Due To Possible Salmonella Contamination [USDA]



ribbi
  • by Laura Northrup
  • via Consumerist


uSome Best Buy Stores Now Taking Apple, Android Payr


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ribbi
  • by Ashlee Kieler
  • via Consumerist


uTaco Bell Abruptly Closes Its Upscale ‘American-Inspired’ Taco Restaurantr


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  • Last year, Taco Bell opened a new restaurant in southern California called U.S. Taco. It promised “American-inspired” tacos, whatever that means, and alcoholic milkshakes, which are definitely American. The first test restaurant opened in Huntington Beach, California, last summer, but was never able to secure an alcohol permit or very many customers. It abruptly closed yesterday.

    That’s kind of weird, because with the announcement that the chain would expand their fast-casual “Cantina” restaurants, Consumerist actually asked a Taco Bell representative about their future plans for U.S. Taco. They said that there was nothing to report, and they would let us know when there would be. Closing the only restaurant in a planned mini-chain should count as news, right?

    This may not be the end of U.S. Taco, though. The Huntington Beach location was never able to get an alcohol permit, which may have kept it from fast-casual greatness. The company hasn’t ruled out opening more U.S. Taco outlets elsewhere, but being unable to serve craft beer and booze shakes in their Orange County location really hurt that vision.

    “U.S. Taco Co. remains a fantastic concept, and was very successful as a place to experiment and learn,” the company’s head enchilada, Brian Niccol, told the Orange County Register. That concept included tacos drawing inspiration from American regional cuisines, like lobster rolls and brisket.

    U.S. Taco closes: Taco Bell shutters experimental upscale eatery in Huntington Beach [Orange County Register]



ribbi
  • by Laura Northrup
  • via Consumerist


uBBC Launching Netflix-Like Service Next Yearr


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  • Screen Shot 2015-09-18 at 1.41.29 PMBetween Netflix, Hulu, SlingTV, Amazon Prime and other similar companies, cord-cutting consumers (or those considering cutting the cord) have several options for streaming video. The latest entrant into the over-the-top [OTT] ring comes from the other side of the pond: the BBC.

    Reuters reports that BBC’s Director General Tony Hall broke the news at an industry event in Cambridge today.

    “We’re launching a new OTT video service in America offering BBC fans programs they wouldn’t otherwise get,” said Hall, “showcasing British actors, our program-makers and celebrating our culture.”

    While Hall didn’t elaborate on just what shows U.S. viewers would get, the company already allows some content – such as Doctor Who and Top Gear – to be shown in the states via BBC America, a partnership with AMC Networks.

    Additionally, many BBC shows are available on other OTT services like Hulu and Netflix.

    Hall was also mum on a timeline for the project or what it would be called.

    The streaming service announcement comes as the company searches for ways to boost revenues and catch up with other companies that already using multi-platforms, Reuters reports.

    “While every major global player is creating a more integrated system, it would make no sense for us to go the other way and break up a system that is delivering returns that are essential to support public service programs,” Hall said.

    BBC to launch online U.S. subscription service [Reuters]



ribbi
  • by Ashlee Kieler
  • via Consumerist


uFCC: Net Neutrality Doesn’t Violate Internet Service Providers’ First Amendment Rightsr


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  • (Steve)

    (Steve)

    About a week after the FCC narrowly voted to approve new net neutrality rules that prevent Internet service providers from deciding which types of online content get preferential or detrimental treatment, the telecom industry was ready with lawsuits. One of those plaintiffs argues that net neutrality is a restriction on ISPs’ First Amendment right to free expression, but the FCC counters that this is like trying to claim that your TV or radio have their own constitutionally protected rights to free speech.

    “People know… that ordering broadband service from their local cable company is not the same as buying an online subscription to The Wall Street Journal, ordering a new coffee maker from Amazon, or downloading music from iTunes,” writes the FCC in a brief [PDF] filed in federal court this week in response to lawsuits brought by trade group USTelecom and tiny Texas ISP Alamo Broadband. “The first involves signing up for a transmission service that supplies access to those online applications, services, and content; the others are themselves the providers of online content and services.”

    When cable/phone/wireless companies pipe data to your smartphones/computers/TVs/ thermostats/crock pots, they are not, per the FCC, “speaking” but “instead merely acting as conduits for the speech of others.”

    In its brief [PDF], Alamo claimed that “Broadband providers are speakers because they engage in speech, and they exercise the same editorial discretion as cable television operators in deciding which speech to transmit.”

    The company claims the the Order compels providers to “carry all speech, including political speech with which providers disagree.”

    But the FCC counters that American consumers don’t associate their ISPs with the content they deliver.

    “Nobody understands broadband providers to be sending a message or endorsing speech when transmitting the Internet content that a user has requested,” writes the Commission. “When a user directs her browser to the New York Times or Wall Street Journal editorial page, she has no reason to think that the views expressed there are those of her broadband provider.”

    Additionally, the FCC contends that there is no evidence to show that mass-market retail broadband providers are “seeking to convey any particularized message to their users.”

    In Texas v. Johnson, the U.S. Supreme Court held that in order for conduct to merit First Amendment consideration, it must manifest “an intent to convey a particularized message” and “be understood [as a message] by those who viewed it.”

    “The provision of broadband service lacks these essential characteristics,” writes the FCC, whose brief quotes Duke University law professor Stuart Minor Benjamin: “there is no real basis for contending that mere transmission of bits is ‘speech.’”

    In a 2014 Harvard Law Review article, Benjamin likened broadband service to FedEx’s shipping of documents. If the government were to ban shipping companies from charging express delivery rates, it might raise other legal questions, but it wouldn’t be a First Amendment issue.

    “Transporting documents does not entail a communication, and thus the First Amendment would not seem to encompass FedEx’s deliveries,” wrote Benjamin in 2014. “FedEx’s delivery of a document communicates no information about the content of that document.”

    The FCC also points to the Supreme Court ruling in Rumsfeld v. Forum for Academic & Institutional Rights, Inc., which SCOTUS held that a law requiring universities to allow military recruiters on campus property did not infringe on the schools’ right to free expression.

    The court explained in that case that this law “regulates conduct, not speech… the schools are not speaking when they host interviews and recruiting receptions.”

    In the FCC’s eyes, net neutrality similarly regulates ISPs’ conduct — by not allowing them to speed up, slow down, or block data based on its source, destination, or its content — but it doesn’t stop these companies from expressing themselves freely.

    One of the more controversial aspects of the 2015 Open Internet Order was the reclassification of broadband as a “common carrier,” meaning it would be treated much like landline phone service.

    The FCC points to numerous times the Supreme Court has stated that common carriers are not the same as broadcasters. For example, in the 1994 opinion in FCC v. League of Women Voters, the court stated that “Unlike common carriers, broadcasters are ‘entitled under the First Amendment to exercise the widest journalistic freedom.'”

    “Like telephone companies, transportation companies, and other traditional common carriers, broadband providers do not have a First Amendment right to restrict or refuse carriage for speech or speakers they dislike,” writes the FCC in its response brief.

    As for Alamo’s likening of broadband ISPs to cable TV providers — who are allowed to pick and choose which stations to carry — the FCC contends that this ability to cherry-pick a channel lineup is needed for pay-TV systems, not because of any constitutionally protected free expression, but because of the limits of the technology delivering the TV signal.

    But for ISPs, who are merely operating the on- and off-ramps to the Internet for most users, the FCC says “no technological obstacles prevent broadband providers from allowing customers to access all lawful Internet content at all times. The Commission’s no-blocking and no-throttling rules will not reduce access to competing content or to any content offered by the broadband company itself. Nor, in contrast to cable systems and newspapers, is there any established tradition of broadband providers exercising editorial control over Internet content.”

    The FCC’s brief notes that it’s this very lack of editorial control over the content being served up to customers that has allowed ISPs to distance themselves from users who violate copyright or are involved in potentially illegal communication.

    ISPs do sometimes have ownership stakes in several online media outlets, including Verizon’s recent purchase of AOL, Comcast’s large network of NBC news and entertainment websites, not to mention its recent investments in BuzzFeed and Vox Media.

    Had the Open Internet Order interfered with these ISPs’ relationship with their media properties, that would be a definite First Amendment issue. However, the FCC notes that such non-telecom arrangements are “left untouched” by the order.

    Nor does net neutrality say anything about which devices consumers can use to go online.

    Neutrality does not ‘regulate the Internet,'” says the FCC, using a favorite phrase of neutrality opponents.

    [via Ars Technica]



ribbi
  • by Chris Morran
  • via Consumerist


uVolkswagen Ordered To Recall 500K Vehicles Over Emission Violationsr


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  • The federal government on Friday ordered Volkswagen to recall nearly 500,000 vehicles over concerns the automobiles expose people to harmful pollutants. Unlike most recalls handed down by government agencies, this one didn’t come from the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration. Instead, it came from the Environmental Protection Agency.

    The EPA initiated the recall through a notice of violation [PDF] of the Clean Air Act, after an investigation found the automaker intentionally installed software in 482,000 diesel 4-cylinder model year 2009 to 2015 Volkswagen and Audi vehicles as a way to evade emissions standards for certain pollutants with a range of serious health effects.

    The software – known as a defeat device – was first detected during independent analysis by researchers at West Virginia University who were working with the International Council on Clean Transportation, a non-governmental organization. The findings raised questions about emissions levels, and the EPA, along with the California Air Resources Board, began further investigations into the issue.

    “Using a defeat device in cars to evade clean air standards is illegal and a threat to public health,” Cynthia Giles, Assistant Administrator for the Office of Enforcement and Compliance Assurance, said in a statement.

    According to the notice, the “sophisticated software algorithm” in the vehicles is programmed to detect when the car is undergoing official emissions testing, and to only turn on full emissions control systems during that testing.

    However, the effectiveness of these vehicles’ pollution emissions control devices is greatly reduced during all normal driving situations.

    “This results in cars that meet emissions standards in the laboratory or testing station, but during normal operation, emit nitrogen oxides, or NOx, at up to 40 times the standard,” the notice states.

    Under the Clean Air Act, vehicle manufacturers are required to certify to the EPA that their products will meet applicable federal emission standards to control air pollution, and every vehicle sold in the U.S. must be covered by an EPA-issued certificate of conformity.

    Motor vehicles – such as the Volkswagen models in question – equipped with defeat devices, which reduce the effectiveness of the emission control system during normal driving conditions, cannot be certified.

    “By making and selling vehicles with defeat devices that allowed for higher levels of air emissions than were certified to EPA, Volkswagen violated two important provisions of the Clean Air Act,” the EPA alleges.

    Models covered by the recall include the model year 2009 to 2015 Volkswagen Jetta, Beetle, Golf, and Audi A3, as well as model year 2014 to 2015 Volkswagen Passat sedans.

    “It is incumbent upon Volkswagen to initiate the process that will fix the cars’ emissions systems,” the EPA says. “Car owners should know that although these vehicles have emissions exceeding standards, these violations do not present a safety hazard and the cars remain legal to drive and resell.”

    Friday’s order comes more than a year after the EPA and CARB imposed a record $100 million penalty against Hyundai and Kia for not being completely truthful about their vehicles’ fuel economy estimates.

    The EPA charged that the automakers overstated fuel economy figures by an average of six miles per gallon for the Hyundai Accent, Elantra, Velostar and Sante Fe, as well as the Kia Rio and Soul.

    The complaint filed jointly by the United States and the California Air Resources Board alleges that Hyundai and Kia sold close to 1.2 million cars and SUVs whose design did not conform to the specifications the companies certified with the agency.



ribbi
  • by Ashlee Kieler
  • via Consumerist